Saturday, October 30, 2010

Gambia:Kenyan journalist's Murder Case Postponed Again

Sent by Muhamed Keita/CPJ Staff

By Tom Rhodes/CPJ East Africa correspondent

Francis Nyaruri was murdered in 2009. (CPJ/Courtesy Josephine Kwamboka)
Francis Nyaruri was murdered in 2009. (CPJ/Courtesy Josephine Kwamboka)
Kenyan journalist Francis Nyaruri went missing on January 16, 2009 after writing a series of articles for The Weekly Citizen about corruption and malpractice by local police and civil servants. Thirteen days later, his bound and decapitated body was found near his hometown of Nyamira, northwest of the capital city of Nairobi. Twenty-two months after the murder, the outcome of his bereaved family and friends' quest for justice appears uncertain.
Joseph Karanja is the principal magistrate in Kisumu, some 45 miles from where Nyaruri's remains were found. In court on Thursday, he disqualified himself from the trial of two suspected killers. He told the audience that it was his last day hearing criminal cases and that he could not initiate a new case despite the presence of five witnesses in court. "They just seem to be playing games," Nyaruri's widow, Josephine Kwamboka, told me after the hearing.
A key police investigator into the murder, Robert Natwoli, had come to testify, but he left disappointed like Nyaruri's widow. As the officer who arrested the suspects, Natwoli is a crucial witness, but he has not yet been provided an opportunity to address the court, he told me. Natwoli said he left the police force this year after facing a series of harassment and intimidations from fellow officers.
Nyaruri's last article implicated top police officials in conspiring to defraud the public of millions of shillings through a police housing project. In 2006, Nyaruri's newspaper, The Weekly Citizen, was raided by police who seized equipment and arrested several journalists, following stories critical of President Mwai Kibaki, according to CPJ research.
(Reporting from Kisumu, Kenya)

Gambia:Gabon: Civil Damages Are Not A Tool For Punishment

New York, October 29, 2010--The Committee to Protect Journalists calls on Gabonese authorities to free a journalist who was jailed on Tuesday for failing to pay exorbitant damages stemming from a 2004 civil libel suit.

Jean-Yves Ntoutoume, editor of the private bimonthly Le Temps, was imprisoned over his newspaper's failure to pay 10 million CFA francs (US $20,000) in damages to Albert Méyé, a former treasurer of the Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG), according to local journalists and news reports.
Méyé sued in response to a column by former Le Temps reporter Mathieu Ebozo'o. The column raised critical questions about whether Méyé could have been involved in an armed robbery six years ago at PDG headquarters, which resulted in the death of a courier and the theft of more than 80 million CFA francs (US $165,000).
The heavy civil damages imposed on Ntoutoume do not appear to be based on any actual losses Méyé sustained as a result of the article in Le Temps, Norbert Ngoua Mezui, president of the Association of Free Print Press Professionals (known by its French acronym, APPEL) told CPJ.
"Civil damages have one purpose: making injured parties whole," said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. "Jean-Yves Ntoutoume was asked to pay a sum far exceeding any losses that may have been caused by the story in question. We call upon Gabonese authorities to release Ntoutoume immediately."
Ntoutoume was summoned by detectives on Tuesday. He was taken to Gros Bouquet prison in the capital city of Libreville, Mezuitold CPJ.
The arrest was based on a May 2009 ruling by an appeals court judge, who confirmed a lower court's ruling awarding damages to Méyé, local journalists reported. Ntoutoume launched Le Temps in 1999.

Thursday, October 28, 2010

Gambia News: In Tanzania, Government Threatens Press Ahead Of Elections

Tanzania's Media Is In A Frenzy Trying To Cover The Close Race Between The Two Leading Presidential Candidates

As Government Threats And Draconian Media Laws May Be Getting In The Way Of Objective Coverage

Incumbent Tanzanian President Jakaya Kiketwe during rally in September. (AP)
Incumbent Tanzanian President Jakaya Kiketwe during rally in September. (AP)
As the October 31 national elections draw near, Tanzania's media is in a frenzy trying to cover the close race between the two leading presidential candidates. But government threats and draconian media laws may be getting in the way of objective coverage.
All eyes are on the contest between incumbent President Jakaya Kikwete of the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), or "Party for Change," and a surprisingly successful challenger, Dr. Wilbroad Slaa from the Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), or "Progressive Democratic Party."
Kikwete, who won the 2005 elections with a landslide 80 percent of the vote, has seen his popularity plunge this month to 38 percent, according to Tanzanian polls. "Slaa has emerged as an unexpected presidential candidate and his message of change is resonating with voters anxious for a new direction," political commentator Azaveli Lwaitama told Reuters. Whether the Tanzanian press feel at liberty to cover this tight race is another matter. Critical reporting on the government during this sensitive time appeared risky after Ministry of Information Permanent Secretary Sethi Kamuhanda toured print media offices earlier this month, threatening to shutter any media house that "put the government in a bad light," state television reported. More than 50 human rights and media organizations issued a joint statement last week, claiming the government has threatened the press in advance of the forthcoming elections. Since polling began, the Registrar of Newspapers, a government-run licensing agency, has been busy issuing letters to newspapers, warning against any negative coverage of the government, local journalists told CPJ. Three private weeklies, Mwanahalisi, Raia Mwena, and Tanzania Daima have all been warned by the Registrar to avoid coverage deemed "inciteful" by the government or face suspension. "Such kinds of threats have been common from the Registrar of Newspapers, whom the minister [of information] uses as a means to enforce self-censorship," the chairman of the Tanzania Editors' Forum, Absalom Kibanda, told me. Mwananchi, received two letters from the Registrar recently threatening to suspend the paper for negative government coverage, Managing Editor Theophil Makunga told me. "For quite a long time now and during this election campaign period, in particular, your newspaper has been writing negative stories about the government," one of the Registrar's letters claimed. "Should you continue publishing the articles, the government will not hesitate to suspend or deregister your newspaper as per the laws of the land." The letter was signed by the Registrar's deputy director, Raphael Hokororo. Mwananchi is considered the most balanced and professional newspaper in the country and commands the highest readership, which makes this threat particularly troubling, the former Tanzania Editors' Forum chairperson, Sakina Datoo, told me. The Registrar's letters to Mwananchi alleged that the paper had denigrated the government but provided no examples of material the authorities deemed offensive, Makunga said. "The Registrar has no argument at all," he told me. "That's why they use sweeping, generalized statements in their allegations." Since the presidential campaigns started on August 20, Makunga said, his paper has not received a single complaint from any of the political parties participating in the race. Makunga fears the ruling party may shut down his paper using the vague allegations put forth in the Registrar's letter. "It's a sign of desperation on the side of the CCM. They believe if Mwananchi continues to report objectively, CCM candidates will lose votes," he said. The paper has filed a complaint with the independent press ombudsman, the Media Council of Tanzania. But Hokororo, the Registrar's deputy director, told me that the Mwananchi staff has exaggerated the issue. "The letter was supposed to be a private letter but they published it to get media attention. It was a warning, not a threat as they have portrayed it," he said. Recent warnings aside, the Tanzanian government has reams of anti-press legislation it can dangle above the media's heads to ensure self-censorship. The Newspaper Act of 1976, for instance, allows the information minister wide discretionary powers to ban newspapers. "It gives the minister powers to close down any newspaper for 'inciting'. Since the term is not defined, it's up to the minister to interpret it as he or she wants," Datoo said. Investigative reporting on any area the government considers classified is a punishable offense under the National Security Act. Later laws, such as the Civil Service Act and Public Leadership Code of Ethics Act, block access to information for journalists. The media laws in Tanzania "force all media to practice public relations and avoid investigative journalism," media analyst and Saut FM Producer Dotto Bulendu told me. Saut FM, a private station attached to St. Augustine's University, has faced its own challenges trying to cover the elections. Bulendu told me that he and Edwin Soko, a Saut FM reporter, received anonymous threats last month via text message accusing them of negative reporting on the ruling party. "The messages threatened to kill us if we continued to work at the station," he added. But the threats were somewhat misplaced; the Tanzanian Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) had already taken the station off the air in August. The Authority's public relations manager, Innocent Mungy, told me Saut FM had been closed on purely technical grounds because the radio signals interfered with aircraft communications. Bulendu is skeptical of the TCRA's findings. The station, he noted, has operated since 1997. "Why would we have signal interference problems now and not before?" he demanded. "Why just before the elections?" And he has little recourse: the 1993 Broadcasting Act empowers the TCRA to shut down any station at any time, he added. He hopes Saut FM will be back on the air this week, just days before the poll results. Over the years, press freedom monitors, including CPJ, have not identified many cases of Tanzanian authorities attacking the press, which makes the country appear to have a better media freedom record than many East African nations. But what happens in Tanzania is something more insidious: Thanks to the country's sweeping anti-press laws, the threat of closure by authorities is enough to curtail any wayward critics. For a ruling party facing a tight presidential race, that's a formidable advantage. The country's leading Kiswahili daily,

Gambia:West African IGF Takes off in Dakar

A recap of the recent West African Internet Governance Forum (WAIGF), taken from the IT Realms Blogspot.

ITRealms Online
23 August 2010
http://itrealms.blogspot.com/2010/0...
All is now set for the 2010 West Africa Internet Governance Forum (WAIGF) in the city of Dakar, the capital of Senegal.
This is coming as WAIGF takes off today for a three-day session, it has been gathered that the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) and Open Society Institute for West Africa (OSIWA) among others endorsed the forum and saw to its success.
Disclosing this, a key player and a member of the Local Organisation Committee cum chairperson, Free and Open Source Foundation for Africa (FOSSFA) Ms. Nnenna Nwakanma, said that the two organisations drummed support for WAIGF.
"ICANN is giving support. OSIWA is supporting the participation of 20 international participants and l'Initiative pour la Gouvernance de l'internet en Côte d'Ivoire (IGICI) also supported some participants from Côte d'Ivoire. Certainly, the African Network Information Center (AfriNIC) would be supporting some people too. Then we cannot forget the national telco and the national regulatory authority in Senegal," she said.
According to her, participants did not only come from West Africa, but were from all over the world, stressing that they were happy to welcome participants from all walks of life.
…"The theme for WA-IGF 2010 is 'Promoting the Multi-stakeholder Model for further Internet Development in Africa' and thank you all for your time," she said.
The FOSSFA chairperson also disclosed that they recently opened call for Internet Governance Forum core team in West Africa to be hosted in Dakar between August 23 and 25, this year, noting that her organisation, the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) and other partners, with support from the Open Society Institute of West Africa (OSIWA) launched a call for West Africa Internet Governance Forum preparation.
The terms of reference for West African IGF consortium group, she said, comprised of the formation of the core team, which entails background for the key members of the consortium group of organizations who would be contributing to the development and organization of the 2010 West African Regional Internet Governance Forum.
The Consortium, she said, include members and organizations from the seven targeted countries, namely Senegal, Ghana, Nigeria, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote d'Ivoire and Cameroon; as well as the convening organizations….

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Gambia News:APRC, PDOIS Speak, Ahead of National Elections Next Year

Halifa Sallah and Yankuba Kolley

In the build-up to the coming presidential, parliamentary and local government elections, which are due next year through 2013, one of The Point's political correspondents went out and about to elicit comments from notable political functionaries from the ruling Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) and the opposition People's Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS) on their party's plans and preparations.

While Halifa Sallah, Secretary General of PDOIS, claims that his party is more organised, systematic and determined this time around and thus expects an electoral outcome in 2011 that is different from that of 2006, Yankuba Colley, the APRC National Mobilizer and Mayor of the KMC, is of the view that the opposition camp in the country had never posed and will never pose any threat to the ruling APRC party.

What follows are the views of the two on a number of issues relating to the coming national elections:

Halifa Sallah

"It is true that the number of people, who did not vote in the 2006 presidential elections, was greater than the number that voted for either the ruling party or the opposition. In the past, some people used to attribute the opposition's defeat to the participation of non-Gambians and the underage in elections. It is to be noted that, in 2006, voter apathy robbed both the opposition and ruling party of credible victory. In short, out of approximately 670,000 registered voters, about 405,000 voters did not vote for the ruling party, and approximately, 542, 000 voters did not vote for the opposition. This is why I concluded that a mechanism should be put in place, to find out what the people want, before we put up an opposition candidate in the next elections.

"My advice to women and young people is very simple. The voter's card is a symbol of sovereignty, empowerment and national liberation. Up to 1960, the people in the rural areas, men and women included, did not have the right to vote. The right to vote was extended to all matured citizens in 1960, to enable the Gambian people to take charge of their destiny. It is the votes of people which made Gambia a Republic. It is the votes of the people which give other citizens like us the authority to become members of parliament, mayors, councilors, or even serve as our president. A person who does not exercise his or her right to vote has sacrificed his right to have a say on how his or her country is governed. Such a person has no voice, and is no different from beasts without any sense of nationhood.

"Such a person is not fit to be a citizen of a country. In many countries, like South Africa, people had to struggle and die just to enable the vast majority to acquire the right to vote. Universal suffrage did not come to such a people on a silver platter. It had to be won through blood, sweat and tears. Each Gambian who is eighteen should see himself or herself as the custodian of the sovereignty of the nation. They are responsible for its destiny. Each should reflect whether this is the type of Gambia that should remain until the year 2020." The opposition politician then went on to give the following list:

"Number 1. In my view, the youth and women have a greater interest in exercising their right to vote. Over 180,000 children are in our primary schools, over 60,000 in our upper basic schools and over 28,000 in our senior secondary schools. Every twelve years, these grown-up boys and girls find themselves in the street looking for jobs, which are hard to find. Hence, many cannot build families, and most stay in overcrowded homes staring at a bleak future, which they alone could change with their votes. If they refuse to vote, they should blame no one for their predicament, but themselves.

"Number 2. It is important for me to inform you that Agenda 2011 has been transformed into a programme with many facets. In order not to repeat the mistakes of NADD, consultation started with the grassroots. As for NADD, consultation started with the leaders. The initiative collapsed before we could fully enlighten the people on its terms and conditions. Under the Agenda 2011 programme, consultation started at the grassroots. The other parties are also encouraged to begin grassroots consultations if they have an alternative agenda. Once parties are satisfied with their grassroots consultations, they should be able to consult with each other with confidence, knowing that they know the mind of the people at the grassroots level. As we campaign for Agenda 2011, we do come into contact with other party supporters. We often ask them to find out the option of their leaders, and propagate it among the people so that we could find out what the people want before parties sit to negotiate terms and conditions of an alliance.

"Number 3. We have worked out a viable strategy and tactics to present a united opposition, and have started to sensitize the population on time. We have gone very far in our enlightenment, organisation and mobilization of the population. We expect to complete our consultation exercise with the people by the end of November 2010. We should then begin consultation with civil society and opinion leaders and, finally, with the political parties. We hope the political parties which have different options for creating a united opposition are also on the ground to put their options before the people, and do intend to consult us on the basis of their own schedules. We are more organised, systematic and determined this time. We, therefore, expect an electoral outcome in 2011 that is different from that of 2006.

"Number 4. It is the people who matter in politics. Leaders only have one vote.  We should spend time to find out what the people want rather than predicting failure for the opposition. Each Gambian should ask himself or herself whether one has taken a stand for change. If each Gambian spends more time trying to convince 10 others to take a stand for change, then change will come. When the people take a stand, leaders have no choice but to respond to their demand or risk marginalisation. This is the dictate of political science and history, and it is irrevocable."

Yankuba Colley

"I think, for the APRC, we are ever prepared; we don't make politics when it comes to elections. We make politics, we deal with our people, we prepare our people, we prepare ourselves from the day we are elected till the following elections. So for preparedness, the ruling APRC is already there. We are fully prepared.

"The APRC is the people's choice. The reasons are clear, and the hopes are always high. Remember, the party's leadership has done everything for Gambians. They have gone even extra than what was promised to Gambians. So, our leader has delivered on all his promises to Gambians. Definitely, there is complete change in this country, since the APRC took over. You hardly walk for 1km without seeing an upper basic or senior secondary school in this country. So, thanks to the APRC, all these developments are taking place.

"The opposition in this country are talking about Agenda 2011. In fact, there is no Agenda. Is it an agenda of moving a government out? You call that an agenda, and think that Gambians are interested in that? No way! Gambians are interested about their welfare, and who will make them have a better living condition.

"This is what Gambians are looking for, and not those calling themselves an alliance, thinking that they can defeat the APRC. No, they are joking! They are jokers. I called them jokers, because for us at the APRC, these people are not our agenda.

"Our agenda is how to make sure that we give Gambians a better living condition. That's the agenda of the APRC.

"They have never been a threat, and will never be a threat. As you can see, we are going for a by-election in Sare Ngai ward in few days to come, and we will defeat them heavily, as has always been the case.

"You know what we are currently working on? We are working for 100% victory. That's what we are working on, and not whether the opposition pose any threat to us or not. No! No!

"We want to win 100%; that's what we want because we deserve it. We've worked for it, the President has promised everybody, and has delivered beyond expectations on all that he promised.

"The ruling APRC party, which is the party of the day, is not a one-man party. It is wrong to call it a one-man party. In fact, the oppositions are the ones with one-man parties.

"For them, you have never seen them going to congress. Yes, the UDP has gone to congress right. But have you ever heard them talk about the monies that they collected from Europe?

"Every now and then, they hold their bags and travel to Europe to get something for their parties, but they have never explained that to their electorate. Have you ever heard them change their executive members? No!

"The APRC is not a one-man party, simply because I am the one running the party, and not President Jammeh. He appointed me to run the affairs of the party, and that's what exactly I am doing. So you cannot call it a one-man party.

"These are the words that should be used in describing the opposition. They are running their parties single-handedly, and they know what I am saying.

"For us, we sit as a team, we sit as a committee, and we sit as a party. That's how we operate. It is only in the APRC that you will go to any village and find an APRC committee. And we derive our actions through those people.

"You understand that's how we work. We derive our party programmes through the grassroots committees. That's where we take ideas from, and bring them to the national level, discuss it and go down again to the grassroots level to solve the problems. Really, it is not a one-man show.

"Come 2011 elections, there will be nothing like voter apathy. In fact, I am also asking the opposition to go out and campaign vigorously to put an end to voter apathy. Voter apathy is not about people going against the government or people feeling just relaxed. Most of our supporters only sit and say 'APRC is going to win, so let us not even vote.' This is why, sometimes, we don't defeat them (the opposition) mercilessly, but we have the support on the ground.

"Anywhere you go to in this country, I'm telling you, we are 90% per village. So that's not the problem. The problem about this low voter turnout is not about people supporting a party, it is about people relaxing.

"Gambians have for the past 16 years witnessed tremendous developments registered under the APRC regime. All these happened thanks to our party leader, President Jammeh, who has done so much for this country. He delivers on every promise made. That's how he (President Jammeh) is, and he will continue to deliver. We the APRC are not thinking about the elections. It's a forgone conclusion that victory is imminent for us, and come 2011 elections, the APRC will come up with a landslide victory. This is obvious.

"We are thinking about how to develop the Gambia; how to move this country forward, how to make the citizenry OK; That's the concept of the APRC, and not about struggling for power.  That's not the concept.

"Our leader is not struggling with anybody. This is why he declared that he will not campaign in the next elections. He is not campaigning, and will not campaign. We will use one of his gowns and place it on top to campaign with the so-called power strugglers.

We are not struggling for any power. They (the opposition) are the ones struggling for it. It fits them to say they are a one-man show. Their parties are a one-man show. I'm telling you, and am repeating this, and let it appear. They are not genuine. We don't have any genuine opposition here. None of them are genuine. Have you ever heard of an opposition acknowledging the developments registered by the APRC? It's only Shyngle Nyassi, who did so and, apart from him, none of them have ever talked about it.

"You want to tell me that from the beginning to date, the APRC has not done anything good in this country? You, as a journalist, tell me, you have to answer my question. At least we have done something.

"There is electricity; there is brightness all over Serekunda, and there are new hospitals. My friend, if all these were done before; if the people who are crying were the ones who were at the helm of affairs before the arrival of the APRC, then this country would have been on top today, considering the developments registered by the APRC within this short period. So, for those people, they will always see the APRC as their enemy, when we are not an enemy to anybody.

"Gambians are tired of the opposition. In my office, everyday you can see it in other papers. Maybe your paper is not fortunate, but you can see it in other papers that every now and then you see new converts joining the ruling APRC. 

"People will come to me, and say we've come to join the APRC, and to make it clear, I just put it in the media. I put it there so that the opposition will know that they are losing their support. They don't have support and, very soon, they will start to pack their little bags and go to Europe, where they beg for money or say something that is not even happening in this country.

"They give a negative image of this country to Gambians or non Gambians outside the country, so that they can get something. There are organisations that are only interested in seeing a peaceful country like The Gambia destroyed, but they will never succeed."

Gambia:In South Africa, echoes of Black Wednesday

South African journalists protest media restrictions on the nation's annual Day of Media Freedom. (Independent Newspapers Cape)
South African journalists protest media restrictions on the nation's annual Day of Media Freedom. (Independent Newspapers Cape)
On October 19, 1977, South Africa's government banned The World newspaper, along with Weekend World, the paper's weekly magazine, and Pro Veritate, a Christian publication. Authorities also detained scores of activists and outlawed 17 anti-apartheid groups during the one-day crackdown, which came to be known as Black Wednesday.
When apartheid ended in 1994, the date was recast as an annual holiday: South Africa's National Day of Media Freedom. But judging by an unusual protest march marking this year's celebration in Johannesburg, the past has never been so relevant to the present.
Sporting T-shirts reading "I demand the right to know," waving signs and placards reading "Stop the Secrecy Bill," dozens of protesters, often with bands of black tape covering their mouths, marched in silence last Tuesday from Witwatersrand University to the Constitutional Hill.
Their march was organized by the Right2Know Campaign, a coalition of some 350 civil society organizations and more than 10,000 individuals opposing the government's Protection of Information Bill and the ruling African National Congress' (ANC) proposal for a media tribunal. Among the marchers were Sunday Times reporter Mwazili wa Afrika, who made headlines earlier this summer when he was arrested on false charges while investigating information critical of a local ANC official.

Right2Know protesters take to the streets of Johannesburg. (Media Monitoring Africa)
Right2Know protesters take to the streets of Johannesburg. (Media Monitoring Africa)
"This year we actually want to make sure that issues of media freedom are very much highlighted and media freedom is actually seen by South Africans as something that's theirs. It doesn't belong to the media. It belongs to the ordinary person," veteran journalist Mondli Makhanya and chair of the South African National Editors Forum (SANEF) told me."We have a democratic government, but that very democratic government is launching incursions in the media freedom space, and it is something that we need to nip in the bud," he added. "We cannot allow it."
Last week, SANEF and Print Media South Africa identified a new threat: the Protection From Harassment Bill. Intended to target and criminalize the act of stalking and protect privacy, this legislation could also seriously limit the work of journalists by making traditional and legitimate aspects of a reporter's work illegal.
There is a feeling of urgency among South Africa's media leaders, as press freedoms now face the kind of legal challenges that haven't been seen since the end of apartheid.
Pushback from the media and civil society has yielded some results. Legislators revised the Protection of Information Bill to remove the vaguely-defined "national interest" as an all-encompassing, unchallengeable justification for classifying official information. And a week ago, after a meeting with SANEF, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe publicly suggested the ANC could drop its media tribunal proposal if the press reforms its mechanisms for self-regulation.
The government has resisted many other demands, however. including limiting the scope of the information bill to government employees or allowing "public interest" legal protections for journalists. Speaking to parliament on Friday, Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele rejected accusations that the government was trying to hide any wrongdoings my muzzling the press.
"We are legislating for real problems and are not seeking to cover up corruption," Cwele said. Such "real problems," he added, include espionage, terrorism and "'unlawful acts against the constitutional order."
For one veteran journalist who was a victim of the Black Wednesday crackdown, the government's recent stance feels hauntingly familiar. Joe Latakgomo, who worked as a World reporter in 1977 and went on to found the Sowetan newspaper, wrote a column in September called "How Can We Forget?" Recounting the abuses of the apartheid regime, many committed in the name of the "national interest," he demanded, "How can we so quickly forget what the result of gagging the media could be?"

Friday, October 22, 2010

Gambia News:South Africa Weighs Dropping Media Tribunal Plan

Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe addresses reporters. (AFP)
Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe addresses reporters. (AFP)
For the first time in South Africa's months-long debate over the proposal for a government-run media appeals tribunal, a top official from the African National Congress (ANC) indicated on Friday that the plan could be dropped altogether--under certain conditions.
After a meeting with the South African National Editors' Forum (SANEF), Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe told the local press that, if the media revises its "self-regulatory mechanisms" to "address the concerns about its shortcomings," a tribunal may not be imposed upon them.
"A lot depends on how the concerns would be addressed. For instance, if there is an inaccurate article in a newspaper, what is the turnaround time of printing a correction?" Motlanthe asked. "Those are some of the key questions that the media itself would have to address and if those are addressed, it will remove the basis for the concerns."
During the meeting, government officials demanded changes to the South African media's existing mechanisms of self-regulation, particularly the Press Council and ombudsman. They called for a faster process to resolve complaints and the imposition of heavier fines on media outlets when they publish stories that are believed to violate subjects' privacy. They also demanded faster publishing for apologies, which, they argued, should be printed just as prominently as the offending stories.
Motlanthe's comments were welcomed with guarded optimism by some media leaders and analysts participating in a public seminar at Johannesburg's Witwatersrand University on Tuesday. Other observers expressed confusion or skepticism.
"We are waiting for the statement from President Jacob Zuma. We hope he will not contradict his deputy on this matter because he has been one of the people pushing for this tribunal," Editor-in-Chief Mondli Makhanya of the Avusa media group told CPJ.
Raymond Louw, a prominent journalist and a SANEF leader, took Motlanthe's statement with a grain of salt. "I don't think they are changing their mind and that is becoming clearer," he said. He pointed out that the Press Council of South Africa was still awaiting a response from the ANC on a comprehensive review of its performance. "[It] gives me the indication that what they want is to hold this over the press to intimidate the press," he added.
Professor Tawana Kupe of the University of the Witwatersrand interpreted Motlanthe's comments as a tactical retreat in the face of significant domestic and international opposition.
He also argued that a media tribunal would not necessarily solve the the ANC's concerns. "Even if some of [their concerns] are valid, for example, the way apologies are put and how long it takes to adjudicate cases, what they should insist on is journalists transforming their own processes of self-regulation," he said.
Reacting to criticism of the government in the press, ANC leaders and members of its Youth League have argued that state regulators must step in to tame South African media. Party leaders have denied that their intent is to censor the press and undermine the constitutional freedoms instituted after the fall of apartheid.

The ANC raised the possibility of a media tribunal during its convention last month and tasked parliament with studying its "desirability and feasibility," according to local press reports.
Based on Motlanthe's recent remarks, Richard Calland, associate professor in the department of public law at the University of Cape Town, suggested the possibility that the ANC is genuinely listening to journalists. "It shows that people have woken up to the fact that secrecy provides a cloak for bad governance, unaccountable governance, and that we need to draw a line in the sand that we will not tolerate a secret society," he told CPJ.

Thursday, October 21, 2010

Gambia News:UN Drops Award Sponsored By Equatorial Guinea's Obiang

Source:www.bbcnews.com

Equatorial Guinea President Obiang

A United Nations agency has suspended plans to grant a prize sponsored by Equatorial Guinea President Teodor Obiang Nguema after lobbying by human rights groups.
Mr Obiang is accused of rights abuses, rigging elections and corruption. He has previously denied such charges.
The UN scientific and cultural agency, Unesco, said its executive board agreed to suspend the life sciences prize.
It said it would continue consultations on the award's future.
The prize was created by the board in 2008, and Equatorial Guinea was to finance it for five years for a total of $3m (£2m).
The suspension was welcomed by campaigners.
Tutu Alicante, of EG Justice, said: "The way Teodoro Obiang has governed Equatorial Guinea undermines all the values Unesco stands for.
"The suspension is a sign that the Obiang government cannot pull the wool over the eyes of the international community with empty human rights public relations campaigns."
There was no immediate response from President Obiang or his government.
It argues that criticism of the country's leadership is misguided and that it is taking steps to better the lives of its citizens, including by building hospitals and schools.
'Dictator' Earlier this year a coalition of human rights groups condemned Unesco for planning to award the prize.
The 28 groups said Unesco should end its association with "one of the world's most infamous dictators".
They asked the UN agency to identify the source of the funds used to sponsor the prize and said it should be used for the education and welfare of the people of Equatorial Guinea, rather than the glorification of their president.
Equatorial Guinea's vast earnings from oil and gas should give its population of 600,000 people a theoretical income of $37,000 (£23,000) a year each.
But most Equatorial Guineans live in poverty after 15 years of plentiful oil production.
Mr Obiang seized power from his uncle in 1979 and was re-elected last year with 95% of the vote.
Watchdog Transparency International has listed Equatorial Guinea as among the world's most corrupt countries.
Last year, a French court threw out a lawsuit against him and two other African leaders, accusing them of using public funds to buy luxury homes. The court said foreign heads of state could not be sued.
In 2004, a US Senate investigation discovered that Mr Obiang, and members of his family, were the signatories to accounts at Riggs Bank in the US which had received millions of dollars in revenues from the central African country's oil wells.

Gambia:Five Decades After independence, African Journalists Still Seeking Freedom

Horn Still Worst off, Censorship Hits Sudan And Rwanda, Prison Death Mars Cameroon

 

 President Yahya Jammeh of the Gambia

President Yahya Jammeh of The Gambia

With many African countries marking the 50th anniversary of their independence, 2010 should have been a year of celebration but the continent's journalists were not invited to the party. The Horn of Africa continues to be the region with the least press freedom but there were disturbing reverses in the Great Lakes region and East Africa.

Eritrea (178th) is at the very bottom of the world ranking for the fourth year running. At least 30 journalists and four media contributors are held incommunicado in the most appalling conditions, without right to a trial and without any information emerging about their situation. Journalists employed by the state media – the only kind of media tolerated – have to choose between obeying the information ministry's orders or trying to flee the country. The foreign media are not welcome.

In Somalia (161st), the media are not being spared by the civil war between the transitional government and Islamist militias, and journalists often fall victim to the violence. The two leading Islamist militias, Al-Shabaab and Hizb-Al-Islam, are gradually seizing control of independent radio stations and using them to broadcast their religious and political propaganda.

The temporary lifting of prior censorship on the print media in Sudan (172nd) was just a smokescreen. It has fallen 24 places and now has Africa's second worst ranking, partly as a result of the closure of the opposition daily Rai-al-Shaab and the jailing of five members of its staff, but above all because of the return of state surveillance of the print media, which makes it impossible to cover key stories such as the future referendum on South Sudan's independence.

Rwanda (169th), where President Paul Kagame was returned to power in a highly questionable election, has fallen 12 places and now has Africa's third worst ranking. The six-month suspension of leading independent publications, the climate of terror surrounding the presidential election and Umuvugizi deputy editor Jean-Léonard Rugambage's murder in Kigali were the reasons for this fall. Journalists are fleeing the country because of the repression, in an exodus almost on the scale of Somalia's.

Surveillance of the press and a decline in the climate for journalists during the May elections account for Ethiopia's continued bad ranking (139th). Violence against journalists, arbitrary police arrests and intelligence agency abuses explain why Nigeria (145th) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (148th) are still in the bottom third.

Uganda (96th) fell a relatively modest 10 places but the murders of two journalists in separate incidents in September and the recent increase in physical attacks and arrests of journalists are fuelling serious concerns about the climate for the media in the run-up to next year's elections. Cameroon (129th) fell 20 places as a result of newspaper editor Bibi Ngota's death in prison and the continuing detention of two other editors. Côte d'Ivoire (118th) also fell a few places due to the harassment of newspapers such as L'Expression and Le Nouveau Courrier d'Abidjan and the temporary ban on local retransmission of French TV station France 24 in February.

Gambia (125th) and Niger (104th) were neck and neck last year at a 137th and 139th thanks to the predatory behaviour of their respective presidents, Yahya Jammeh and Mamadou Tandja. But press freedom in Niger has improved markedly since Tandja's overthrow in February, accounting for its 35-place jump, although the situation is still very uncertain. Uncertainty is also the dominant feature of another country in transition, Guinea (113th). It fell 13 places because of a massacre on 28 September 2009 but a new government that could show more respect for press freedom is still seen as a possibility.

After two difficult years, Kenya (70th) has recovered a respectable position. Chad (112th) is also leaving behind the fraught period in 2008 when a state of emergency was imposed, but the level of freedom allowed the press is still insufficient. Angola (104th) has an acceptable ranking although the situation has been soured by a Radio Despertar journalist's still unsolved murder in September 2010.

After sharp falls in 2009, Gabon (107th) and Madagascar (116th) have recovered some of the lost ground thanks to a decline in tension. But Madagascar's transitional authorities need to show more respect for the press by ceasing to jail journalists (such as those of Radio Fahazavana) and ceasing to close down news media. Zimbabwe (123rd) has again made some slow progress, as it did last year. The return of independent dailies is a step forward for public access to information but the situation is still very fragile.

Two more African countries have entered the ranks of the world's top 50 nations in terms of respect for press freedom. They are Tanzania (41st), although certain stories such as albinism continue to be off-limits for the press, and Burkina Faso (49th), even if justice still has not been rendered in the case of Norbert Zongo, a journalist who was murdered 12 years ago.

The relative positions of the African countries in the top 50 have also changed. They are now led by Namibia (21st), which has recovered its former pre-eminent position, while Cape Verde (26th) has caught up with Ghana (26th) and Mali (26th). South Africa (38th) has fallen five places, in part because of attacks on journalists during the Football World Cup but above all because of the behaviour of senior members of the ruling African National Congress towards the press. ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema, for example, expelled BBC correspondent Jonah Fisher from a news conference on 8 April, calling him a "bastard" and "bloody agent." And the government plans to pass two bills that would endanger press freedom, one creating a media tribunal and the other restricting the disclosure of information.

 "Europe falls from its pedestal, no respite in the dictatorships"

"Our latest world press freedom index contains welcome surprises, highlights sombre realities and confirms certain trends," Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Jean-François Julliard said as his organisation issued its ninth annual index today. "More than ever before, we see that economic development, institutional reform and respect for fundamental rights do not necessarily go hand in hand. The defence of media freedom continues to be a battle, a battle of vigilance in the democracies of old Europe and a battle against oppression and injustice in the totalitarian regimes still scattered across the globe.

"We must salute the engines of press freedom, with Finland, Iceland, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland at their head. We must also pay homage to the human rights activists, journalists and bloggers throughout the world who bravely defend the right to speak out. Their fate is our constant concern. We reiterate our call for the release of Liu Xiaobo, the symbol of the pressure for free speech building up in China, which censorship for the time being is still managing to contain. And we warn the Chinese authorities against taking a road from which there is no way out.

"It is disturbing to see several European Union member countries continuing to fall in the index. If it does not pull itself together, the European Union risks losing its position as world leader in respect for human rights. And if that were to happen, how could it be convincing when it asked authoritarian regimes to make improvements? There is an urgent need for the European countries to recover their exemplary status.

"We are also worried by the harsher line being taken by governments at the other end of the index. Rwanda, Yemen and Syria have joined Burma and North Korea in the group of the world's most repressive countries towards journalists. This does not bode well for 2011. Unfortunately, the trend in the most authoritarian countries is not one of improvement."

"European Union loses its leadership status"

Reporters Without Borders has repeatedly expressed its concern about the deteriorating press freedom situation in the European Union and the 2010 index confirms this trend. Thirteen of the EU's 27 members are in the top 20 but some of the other 14 are very low in the ranking. Italy is 49th, Romania is 52nd and Greece and Bulgaria are tied at 70th. The European Union is not a homogenous whole as regards media freedom. On the contrary, the gap between good and bad performers continues to widen.

There has been no progress in several countries where Reporters Without Borders pointed out problems. They include, above all, France and Italy, where events of the past year – violation of the protection of journalists' sources, the continuing concentration of media ownership, displays of contempt and impatience on the part of government officials towards journalists and their work, and judicial summonses – have confirmed their inability to reverse this trend.

"Northern Europe still at the top"

Several countries share first place in the index again. This year it is Finland, Iceland, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland. They have all previously held this honour since the index was created in 2002. Norway and Iceland have always been among the countries sharing first position except in 2006 (Norway) and 2009 (Iceland). These six countries set an example in the way they respect journalists and news media and protect them from judicial abuse.

They even continue to progress. Iceland, for example, is considering an exemplary bill, the Icelandic Modern Media Initiative (IMMI), that would provide a unique level of protection for the media. Sweden distinguishes itself by its Press Freedom Act, which has helped to create a particularly favourable climate for the work of journalists, by the strength of its institutions and by its respect for all those sectors of society including the media whose role in a democracy is to question and challenge those in positions of power.

"Ten countries where it is not good to be a journalist"

In recent years, Reporters Without Borders drew particular attention to the three countries that were always in the last three positions – Eritrea, North Korea and Turkmenistan. This year, a bigger group of ten countries – marked by persecution of the media and a complete lack of news and information – are clumped together at the bottom. The press freedom situation keeps on deteriorating in these countries and it is getting harder to say which is worse than the other. The difference between the scores of the "best" and worst of the last 10 countries was only 24.5 points this year. It was 37.5 points in 2009 and 43.25 points in 2007.

It is worth noting that, for the first time since the start of the index in 2002, Cuba is not one of the 10 last countries. This is due above all to the release of 14 journalists and 22 activists in the course of the past summer. But the situation on the ground has not changed significantly. Political dissidents and independent journalists still have to deal with censorship and repression on a daily basis.

Freedom is not allowed any space in Burma, where a parliamentary election is due to be held next month, and the rare attempts to provide news or information are met with imprisonment and forced labour.

Finally, in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia and Mexico, countries either openly at war or in a civil war or some other kind of internal conflict, we see a situation of permanent chaos and a culture of violence and impunity taking root in which the press has become a favourite target. These are among the most dangerous countries in the world, and the belligerents there pick directly on reporters such as French TV journalists Stéphane Taponier and Hervé Ghesquière, who have been held hostage in Afghanistan for the past 300 days.

"Economic growth does not mean press freedom"

The BRICs – Brazil, Russia, India and China – may all be at a roughly similar stage of economic development but the 2010 index highlights major differences in the press freedom situation in these countries. Thanks to favourable legislative changes, Brazil (58th) has risen 12 places in the past year, while India has fallen 17 places to 122nd. Russia, which had a particularly deadly preceding year, is still poorly placed at 140th. Despite an astonishingly vibrant and active blogosphere, China still censors and jails dissidents and continues to languish in 171st place. These four countries now shoulder the responsibilities of the emerging powers and must fulfil their obligations as regards fundamental rights.

"Heavy falls"

The Philippines, Ukraine, Greece and Kyrgyzstan all fell sharply in this year's index. In the Philippines this was due to the massacre of around 30 journalists by a local baron, in Ukraine to the slow and steady deterioration in press freedom since Viktor Yanukovych's election as president in February, in Greece to political unrest and physical attacks on several journalists, and in Kyrgyzstan to the ethnic hatred campaign that accompanied the political turmoil.

The changes are unfortunately often deceptive. Some countries have risen sharply in the index this year but in fact all they have done is recover their traditional position after a particularly difficult if not disastrous 2009. This is the case with Gabon, which rose 22 places, South Korea (+27) and Guinea-Bissau (+25)

Gambia News:African Capacity Building Foundation Announces Its First Goodwill Ambassador

      World Renowned Malian Musician, Salif Keita, Becomes The  First ACBF Goodwill Ambassador

Musician Salif Keita
 
Sent by Gambia Press Union 

Renowned Malian singer, Salif Keita, better known around the world as the "Golden Voice of Africa", is to support the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) in its capacity development efforts on the continent.  The widely acclaimed and distinguished artist, who this year won winner the Victoires de la musique award, the French equivalent of the Grammy Awards in the "World music" category, has many international accolades.  A passionate advocate on issues affecting the African continent, Mr Keita will highlight need to scale up funding to capacity development initiatives in Africa in order to create and implement better economic policies for sustainable growth and poverty eradication.

On engaging the well respected musician, ACBF Executive Secretary, Dr Frannie Leautier said: "ACBF and our Goodwill Ambassadors are committed to working together towards achieving ACBF's vision for Africa as a continent that is recognized for its socio-political and economic capabilities and endowments – a continent with effective institutions and policies acquired through sustained investment in people and institutions. We are delighted that Salif Keita has agreed to support our mission at this important time. As we celebrate twenty years of capacity building in Africa, we are thrilled to have such an eloquent and passionate supporter and development partner."

ACBF Goodwill Ambassadors are internationally-recognized celebrities, who are willing to undertake social mobilisation for capacity building among the broader community. Whether they live on the continent or belong to the Diaspora, they all demonstrate a strong link with Africa. They operate in various fields: arts, media, business, sports or science.

"About the African Capacity Building Foundation"

ACBF was established in February 1991. It is the outcome of collaboration between African governments and the international donor community. Its mission is to build sustainable human and institutional capacity for sustainable growth and poverty reduction in Africa. ACBF's vision is for Africa to be recognized for its socio-political and economic capabilities and endowments – a continent with effective institutions and policies acquired through sustained investment in people and institutions. The Foundation aims to become a leader, major partner, and centre of excellence for capacity building in Africa.

 

For further information contact:                                                                      

Ms. Audrey Mpunzwana, Head, External Affairs and Communications : a.mpunzwana@acbf-pact.org

Mr. Stephane Eboko, Resource Mobilisation Officer: s.eboko@acbf-pact.org

African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)                                          

PO Box 1562, Harare

ZIMBABWE                                                                                                                  

Tel: + 263 4 700208/210   Website: http://www.acbf-pact.org

                     

 

Website: http://www.acbf-pact.org