Sunday, May 27, 2018

The Birth Of A Web Site

26 May 2008 marked the birth of Gambia affairs website namely, gambiaaafirs.bogspot.com.

In a country voices resides in the people. An independent people are the architects of their own destiny. Their voices must not be silent.Their minds must not yield to slumber. They must stand vigil and exercise permanent scrutiny on how the affairs of their country are managed.

The voices of the people must have authority to determine the policies and programmes of government which manage their affairs. The government must be transparent and accountable to its people. The Gambia Affairs blog will aim to be the vehicle on which the Gambian people can travel towards greater transparency.
This blog is written by journalists from different Gambian newspapers.

Wednesday, March 7, 2012

Gambia Affairs:Military Mob Hammers Man To Coma

Mr.Sidibeh on his hospital bed

By Saikou Ceesay

A group of military men Wednesday unleashed a severe beating on Demba Sidibeh of Bakau New Town, sending him to coma for almost six hours, The Daily News has gathered.
At press time, Demba, 25, alias Pa boy was receiving treatment at the country's main referral hospital, Royal Victoria Teaching Hospital in Banjul, the capital. Sources there confirmed that he was responding to treatment, but his condition remained critical.
The military personnel, about ten of them, clamped down on the 25-year-old-civilian at his residence, several witnesses to the incident confirmed to this paper.
"He was beaten until he fell and fainted," Seedy Kanyi, a civil servant and a family relative of this victim of yet another torture incident. "This is painful," tearful Mr Kanyi managed to mournfully say between sobs.
Eye witnesses say the saga came about as the group of military men chased two teenagers into the victim's compound. The teenagers are believed to be among the football fans that heckled and stoned at The Gambia's senior national team players, following a 2-1 defeat at home to Algeria in the African Nations Cup preliminary qualifiers.
And when Mr Sidibeh queried their action, the military men descended on him and repeatedly hit him with baton.
The auto mechanic student at The Gambia Technical Training Institute (GTTI) was rushed to Serrekunda hospital and later referred to RVTH where he was admitted at the emergency unit.
The 25-year-old man could not still utter a word at press time, nor could he stand on his feet, but has recovered from unconsciousness, his family has confirmed.
Lt.Bekai Sidibeh, a military police has visited Demba Sidibeh at the hospital. He assured the family of the victim that the military men responsible would face justice.
The army spokesperson, 2nd Lt. Babucarr Jarjue, was contacted to shed light on the issue, but he claimed to be busy. He promised to contact this reporter, which was not done at the time of going to press.
Source:Daily News

Gambia Affairs:Puntland Radio Station Closed, Director Held

cpj_logo



New York, March 5, 2012--Authorities in the semi-autonomous region of Puntland in Somalia shut down an independent radio broadcaster and arrested the station's director over coverage of fighting between the government and Al-Shabaab militants, local journalists said.

Around 10:20 p.m. Saturday, armed police arriving in two vehicles raided Codka Nabadda (Voice of Peace) in the port city of Bossasso, confiscated equipment, and sealed the studios, local journalists told the Committee to Protect Journalists. An hour later, police raided the home of the station's director, Awke Abdullahi, and are holding him at the Bossasso Central Police Station. He has not been charged, although it is not legal in Puntland to hold a suspect for more than 48 hours without charge.

The raids occurred hours after Codka Nabadda, in an afternoon program called "Bandhiga Codka Nabadda," aired coverage of clashes between Puntland government forces and militants linked to Al-Shabaab in Puntland's Galgala mountains, according to local reports. The program interviewed presidential spokesman Ahmed Omar Hersi about the fighting as well as Al-Shabaab spokesman Sheikh Abdiasis Abu Mus'ab. 

Puntland Deputy Security Minister Abdi Jamal Osman told reporters at a press conference Sunday that the station was closed due to "false reporting" and for inciting instability in the Bossasso region, according to local journalists. Abdullahi is expected to appear in court next week, he said. He also said that only a presidential pardon would ensure that the station reopens and Abdullahi is released, according to local journalists.

Puntland security forces had warned local journalists in the past not to broadcast news about fighting in the Galgala area, according to local reports.

"No independent broadcaster should be shuttered simply for doing their job as professional journalists, interviewing both sides of a story," said CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. "Authorities should release Abdullahi and reopen the station immediately."

In August 2010, authorities arrested the former director of Horseed Radio, Abdifatah Jama, for authorizing an interview of a rebel commander with Al-Shabaab links in the Galgala Mountains. Jama faced a six-year prison sentence but was released on presidential pardon after 86 days.

Al-Shabaab-linked militias in northeastern regions of Puntland, led by Sheikh Mohamed Said Atom, have waged a conflict against Puntland authorities for several years. Local journalists have continually faced threats, arrests, and harassment for reporting on the conflict.

Radio Codka Nabadda is considered one of the most independent stations in Somalia, according to local journalists. It operates two other stations based in Mogadishu and Galkayo.

###
CPJ is a New York-based, independent, nonprofit organization
that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide.

Monday, February 6, 2012

Gambia Affairs:African Beggars Union Hall?

Source:Al MARIAM'S CORNER

AU B1

The new African Union (AU) headquarters was inaugurated last week. It was "China's gift to Africa." China picked the entire USD$200 million tab for the building, fixtures and furniture. The China State Construction Engineering Corporation constructed the building using nearly all Chinese workers. Meles Zenawi, the dictator in Ethiopia, waxed poetic as he blessed the new building and consecrated the "continuing prosperous partnership" between Africa and China:

… This magnificent edifice is built on the ruins of the oldest maximum security prison in our country. People in Ethiopia used to call it Alem Bekagne, loosely translated it means I have given up on this world- this life. This building which will now house the headquarters of our continental organization is built on the ruins of a prison that represented desperation and hopelessness…

This magnificent new head quarters (sic) of our continental organization- the AU which has been at the center of the struggle for the African renaissance (sic) is a symbol of the rise of Africa. The face of this great hall is meant to convey this message of optimism, a message that is out of the decades of hopelessness and imprisonment a new era of hope is dawning, and that Africa is being unshackled and freed not only from the remnants of colonialism  but also from want and  violence. It is very interesting to note, that just as Africa is rising from the ruins of the desperation  and Afro-pessimism this magnificent new head quarter (sic) of the AU is rising from the ruins of a prison of desperation and hopelessness.

… It is therefore very appropriate for China to decide to build this hall -- the hall of the rise of Africa --  this hall of African renaissance -- (sic) and the adjoining office building for us. I am sure I speak for all of you when I say to the people and government of China thank you so very much. May our partnership continue and prosper.

The current AU chairperson, Equatorial Guinea's three-decade plus dictator  Teodoro Obiang Nguema, praised the "generosity of the Chinese government", and described the building as marking "a qualitative leap in the relations between China and Africa". He raved about the  building as "a reflection of the new Africa, and the future we want for Africa".  
Why didn't the African countries chip in to build this "magnificent" symbol of an "Africa Rising" and an "African Renaissance"? Well, they do not have the money; they are poor.  (Incidentally, a few months ago, the U.S. Government filed legal action against Teodorin Obiang, AU Chair Nguema's son for racketeering (illegal business). While the Chinese were sweating it on the new AU hall, Teodorin had commissioned construction of a yacht [the second most expensive in the world]  at the cost of 380 million dollars, [nearly twice as much as it cost to build the AU building] for his rest and relaxation.)
Africa Rising or Africa Panhandling?
AU B2Far from being a symbol of African hope, renaissance, optimism and glory, the new AU building reinforces the world's indelible perception of Africa as the continent of  poverty, famine, corruption and dictatorial extravagance. Reporter Richard Poplak insightfully observed  the new AU building is the ultimate architectural symbol of Africa as a beggar continent and the moral decay of its dictators:

… The new African Union headquarters in dusty Addis Ababa is a structure in which form perfectly marries function - the building means nothing, and nothing will ever get done inside it…. The building doesn't need to symbolize anything further than its existence, wherein it becomes a staggeringly articulate representation of Africa's greatest skill: begging…. The first thing we notice is the tiled silver dome that acts as the building's centerpiece. This reminds us of nothing so much as an overturned beggar's bowl, left in the street after a solid day of mewling at the feet of passersby… Then there's the tower. Stretching up 20 storeys… it resembles… a beggar's outstretched hand… None of this could we have achieved by ourselves. Instead, in order to raise this fine structure - this symbol of continental unity - from the bare African earth, we used the one skill that unites us all. We stretched out our collective hands, batted our eyelashes, looked simultaneously cute and hungry. And we begged.

A Monument to a Do-Nothing African Union
The AU has 54 members. It was formed in 2002 as a successor to the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The AU's declared aim is to "accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent, promote and defend African common positions to achieve peace and security in Africa, and promote democratic institutions, good governance and human rights."
In its decade of existence, the AU has little to show for itself. It sent peacekeeping troops to various hotspots in Africa including Burundi, Uganda, Somalia and Darfur, Sudan. The AU dumped its Darfur mission on the United Nations in 2008 unable to deal with that tragic  situation. In 2007, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) was established to promote "stabilization of the country in furtherance of dialogue and reconciliation, facilitate delivery of  humanitarian assistance, and create conditions for long-term stabilization, reconstruction and development in Somalia." Suffice it to say, "Mission stuck in the quagmire of Somali clan politics." The AU also adopted various documents intended to remediate the problems of corruption, poor governance and economic development in the continent including the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (2003), the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (2007), the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and its associated Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance. Yet the theft of elections and billions of dollars in Africa has continuedover the past decade.  
George Ayittey, the internationally acclaimed Ghanaian economist does not mince words in sizing up the AU:

Please, please, don't ask about the African Union. It is the most useless organization we have on the continent. It can't even define "democracy" and it is completely bereft of originality. It is imbued with "copy-cat" mentality. Europe has the European Union (EU), so we must have the African Union (AU). The AU forgot that to become a member of the European Union, a country must meet very strict requirements. But in the case of the African Union, there are no requirements. Any rogue and collapsed state can be a member. And when the African Union unveiled NEPAD (the New Economic Partnership for African Development), it boasted that NEPAD was an "African crafted program." But as it turned out, NEPAD was modeled after the Marshall Aid Plan. When the Darfur crisis flared up, the AU was nowhere to be found. It was doing the watutsi [dance] in Addis Ababa. After much international condemnation, the AU finally managed to cobble together some troops to send to Darfur.

The "uselessness" of the AU is evident not only in its political impotence and economic ineptitude but also in its steadfast refusal to maintain observance of minimum standards of human rights in member countries. The AU has openly instructed member countries to "disregard" the International Criminal Court's warrant of arrest issued against Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir who is sought for crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. It did the same thing when an ICC arrest warrant was issued against Gadhafi. The AU yelped from the sidelines as Cote d'Ivoire descended into civil war following the 2010 presidential election. France, a former colonial power, had to come to the rescue. The AU was among the last to recognize the Libya's National Transitional Council. No doubt, the AU was deeply distressed by the sudden demise of Gadhaffi, its longtime patron and sugar daddy. When Zenawi declared a 99.6 percent election victory in the May 2010 Ethiopian elections, the AU monitoring team led by former Botswana president Ketumile Masire praised him and declared: "It is recognised that 2010 Ethiopia's legislative elections reflected the will of the people. Conditions existed for voters to freely express their will."
The AU is managed by an inept and bungling commission which acts as the executive/administrative branch with empty suit commissioners lording over different areas of policy.  According to news reports, "of the $256 million the commission was allocated in 2011, the AU used less than 40 percent. The commission has about 1,000 staff members, 328 posts have been vacant for the past eight years." (One can surmise that the unused $154 million could have been a nice down payment for an all-African financed AU building. Talking about African countries not having "enough resources" for public projects, the International Monetary Fund recently reported that there was an unexplained USD$32 billion discrepancy in the Angolan government's accounts from 2007 through 2010. Does "discrepancy" mean stolen?  According to Global Financial Integrity, 11.7 billion was stolen from Ethiopia in the last decade.  The same story is repeated in the Sudan, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Niger, Nigeria  and many other African countries.)
Is Begging Africa's Eternal Destiny?
For a long time, the Western world regarded Africa as the "Dark Continent", not because of the complexion of the people but because little was known about Africa. Sadly, much of the world today regards Africa as the "Beggar Continent". African dictators can wax eloquent about the "new Africa", "Africa Rising" and the "African Renaissance", but nobody is buying it. Everyone can see today that Africa is gasping to breath under the trampling boots of brutal dictators. Africa is not a continent in "renaissance"; it is a continent on a tightrope. Let the facts speak for themselves:

Over one-half the population of Africa lives on less than USD$1 a day. Sub-Saharan Africa is the only region in the world where poverty has increased in the past 25 years. In 1960, Africa was a net exporter of food; today the continent imports one-third of its grain. Today, more than 40 percent of Africans do not even have the ability to obtain sufficient food on a day-today basis. Declining soil fertility, land degradation, and the AIDS pandemic in Africa have led to a 23 percent decrease in food production per capita in the last 25 years while  population has increased dramatically. Among the 38 of the world's heavily indebted poor countries, 32 are in Africa. The average life expectancy at birth for Sub-Saharan Africa is 52.5 years. Slums are home to 72% of urban Africans. Primary school enrollment in African countries is among the lowest in the world. In Sub-Saharan Africa, only two-thirds of children who start primary school reach the final grade.

Africa loses an estimated 20,000 skilled personnel a year to developed countries. A woman living in Sub-Saharan Africa has a 1 in 16 chance of dying in pregnancy, compared to 1 in 3,700 for a woman in North America.  On average, women in Sub-Saharan Africa have two more children than the rest of world. More than 40 percent of women in Africa do not have access to basic education.  There are an estimated 5,500 AIDS deaths a day in Africa. Every year six million children die from malnutrition before their fifth birthday. More than 50 percent of Africans suffer from water-related diseases such as cholera and infant diarrhea. The prevalence of HIV for people ages 15-49 in Sub-Saharan Africa is nearly 7 times the world's prevalence.

Ethiopia remains at the very bottom of the world's poorest nations. Under the "leadership" of the dictator Zenawi, for the past two decades Ethiopia has achieved the dubious honor of being the second poorest country in the world (after Mali) and the largest recipient of net official development assistance in Africa at USD$3.82 billion in 2009. The World Bank reported: "At US$380, Ethiopia's per capita income is much lower than the Sub-Saharan African average of US$1,165 in FY 2010."
According to a recent U.S. Census Bureau report, in just four decades, Ethiopia's population will more than triple to 278 million, placing that country in the top 10 most populous countries in the world. A recent report by the Legatum Institute presents some sobering  and heartbreaking findings on the situation in Ethiopia today: Ethiopia has an "unemployment rate [that] is almost 21%, which is the sixth highest rate, globally." The "capital per worker in Ethiopia is the fourth lowest worldwide." The country has "virtually no investment in R&D." The ability of Ethiopians "to start and run a business is highly limited… [with a] communication infrastructure [that] is weak with only five mobile phones for every 100 citizens"; and the availability of internet bandwidth and secure servers is negligible. Inequality is systemic and widespread and the country is among the bottom ten countries on the Index. The Ethiopian "education system is poor at all levels and its population is deeply dissatisfied." There is "only one teacher for every 58 pupils at primary level, there is a massive shortage of educators, and Ethiopian workers are typically poorly educated." Less than a "quarter of the population believe Ethiopian children have the opportunity to learn and grow every day, which is the lowest such rate in the Index."
On "health outcomes, Ethiopia performs abysmally poor. Its infant mortality rate, 67 deaths per 1,000 live births, and its health-adjusted life expectancy of 50 years, places Ethiopia among the bottom 20 nations." The population suffers from high mortality rates from "Tuberculosis infections and respiratory diseases. Access to hospital beds and sanitation facilities is very limited, placing the country 109th and 110th (very last) on these measures of health infrastructure." The core problem of poor governance is reflected in the fact that "there appears to be little respect for the rule of law, and the country is notable for its poor regulatory environment for business, placing 101st in the Index on this variable." 
Africa Rising, African Uprising
African dictators want the world to believe there is an "Africa Renaissance" and "Africa is Rising." They want to hoodwink the world into believing that Africa is "unshackled and freed". They proclaim the "façade of the great Africa Union hall conveys a message of optimism out of the decades of hopelessness". They insult our intelligence. We know Africa shall remain in the dark ages so long as dictators cling to power like ticks on an African milk cow. We know Africa is not rising while under the deadweight of dictatorship; but nothing can stop an African uprising. Despite the deceptive and beguiling words of pompous and imperious dictators, we know Africa is shackled and not free. How can Africa "rise" or undergo a "renaissance" when she is bound, gagged, chained, straightjacketed and hog-tied by gangs of ruthless dictators?
Behind the façade of the great AU hall stand a giggling gang of beggars with cupped palms, outstretched hands, forlorn eyes and shuffling legs looking simultaneously cute and hungry, and begging. The stark truth of the matter is that dictatorship has birthed a shiny tower of desperation and hopelessness on the very "ruins of a prison of desperation and hopelessness". Teodoro Obiang said the AU building represents the "future we want for Africa". Excuse me, but begging ain't much of a future!
China's economic investment in Africa is said to exceed USD$150 billion. Thousands of Chinese companies do business in all parts of the continent. We know that business is business, and money talks. But as to "China's gift to Africa", it is best to heed the old adage: Beware of those bearing gifts. On the other hand, it is bad from for a recipient of charity not to be grateful and amiable. So in the customary words of all palm-rubbing, belly scratching and kowtowing panhandlers, it is appropriate to say to the gift-givers:
AU begga8
 Previous commentaries by the author are available at: www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/

Gambia Affairs:African Beggars Union Hall?

 

AU B1

The new African Union (AU) headquarters was inaugurated last week. It was "China's gift to Africa." China picked the entire USD$200 million tab for the building, fixtures and furniture. The China State Construction Engineering Corporation constructed the building using nearly all Chinese workers. Meles Zenawi, the dictator in Ethiopia, waxed poetic as he blessed the new building and consecrated the "continuing prosperous partnership" between Africa and China:

… This magnificent edifice is built on the ruins of the oldest maximum security prison in our country. People in Ethiopia used to call it Alem Bekagne, loosely translated it means I have given up on this world- this life. This building which will now house the headquarters of our continental organization is built on the ruins of a prison that represented desperation and hopelessness…

This magnificent new head quarters (sic) of our continental organization- the AU which has been at the center of the struggle for the African renaissance (sic) is a symbol of the rise of Africa. The face of this great hall is meant to convey this message of optimism, a message that is out of the decades of hopelessness and imprisonment a new era of hope is dawning, and that Africa is being unshackled and freed not only from the remnants of colonialism  but also from want and  violence. It is very interesting to note, that just as Africa is rising from the ruins of the desperation  and Afro-pessimism this magnificent new head quarter (sic) of the AU is rising from the ruins of a prison of desperation and hopelessness.

… It is therefore very appropriate for China to decide to build this hall -- the hall of the rise of Africa --  this hall of African renaissance -- (sic) and the adjoining office building for us. I am sure I speak for all of you when I say to the people and government of China thank you so very much. May our partnership continue and prosper.

The current AU chairperson, Equatorial Guinea's three-decade plus dictator  Teodoro Obiang Nguema, praised the "generosity of the Chinese government", and described the building as marking "a qualitative leap in the relations between China and Africa". He raved about the  building as "a reflection of the new Africa, and the future we want for Africa".  

Why didn't the African countries chip in to build this "magnificent" symbol of an "Africa Rising" and an "African Renaissance"? Well, they do not have the money; they are poor.  (Incidentally, a few months ago, the U.S. Government filed legal action against Teodorin Obiang, AU Chair Nguema's son for racketeering (illegal business). While the Chinese were sweating it on the new AU hall, Teodorin had commissioned construction of a yacht [the second most expensive in the world]  at the cost of 380 million dollars, [nearly twice as much as it cost to build the AU building] for his rest and relaxation.)

Africa Rising or Africa Panhandling?

AU B2Far from being a symbol of African hope, renaissance, optimism and glory, the new AU building reinforces the world's indelible perception of Africa as the continent of  poverty, famine, corruption and dictatorial extravagance. Reporter Richard Poplak insightfully observed  the new AU building is the ultimate architectural symbol of Africa as a beggar continent and the moral decay of its dictators:

… The new African Union headquarters in dusty Addis Ababa is a structure in which form perfectly marries function - the building means nothing, and nothing will ever get done inside it…. The building doesn't need to symbolize anything further than its existence, wherein it becomes a staggeringly articulate representation of Africa's greatest skill: begging…. The first thing we notice is the tiled silver dome that acts as the building's centerpiece. This reminds us of nothing so much as an overturned beggar's bowl, left in the street after a solid day of mewling at the feet of passersby… Then there's the tower. Stretching up 20 storeys… it resembles… a beggar's outstretched hand… None of this could we have achieved by ourselves. Instead, in order to raise this fine structure - this symbol of continental unity - from the bare African earth, we used the one skill that unites us all. We stretched out our collective hands, batted our eyelashes, looked simultaneously cute and hungry. And we begged.

A Monument to a Do-Nothing African Union

The AU has 54 members. It was formed in 2002 as a successor to the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The AU's declared aim is to "accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent, promote and defend African common positions to achieve peace and security in Africa, and promote democratic institutions, good governance and human rights."

In its decade of existence, the AU has little to show for itself. It sent peacekeeping troops to various hotspots in Africa including Burundi, Uganda, Somalia and Darfur, Sudan. The AU dumped its Darfur mission on the United Nations in 2008 unable to deal with that tragic  situation. In 2007, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) was established to promote "stabilization of the country in furtherance of dialogue and reconciliation, facilitate delivery of  humanitarian assistance, and create conditions for long-term stabilization, reconstruction and development in Somalia." Suffice it to say, "Mission stuck in the quagmire of Somali clan politics." The AU also adopted various documents intended to remediate the problems of corruption, poor governance and economic development in the continent including the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (2003), the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (2007), the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and its associated Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance. Yet the theft of elections and billions of dollars in Africa has continuedover the past decade.  

George Ayittey, the internationally acclaimed Ghanaian economist does not mince words in sizing up the AU:

Please, please, don't ask about the African Union. It is the most useless organization we have on the continent. It can't even define "democracy" and it is completely bereft of originality. It is imbued with "copy-cat" mentality. Europe has the European Union (EU), so we must have the African Union (AU). The AU forgot that to become a member of the European Union, a country must meet very strict requirements. But in the case of the African Union, there are no requirements. Any rogue and collapsed state can be a member. And when the African Union unveiled NEPAD (the New Economic Partnership for African Development), it boasted that NEPAD was an "African crafted program." But as it turned out, NEPAD was modeled after the Marshall Aid Plan. When the Darfur crisis flared up, the AU was nowhere to be found. It was doing the watutsi [dance] in Addis Ababa. After much international condemnation, the AU finally managed to cobble together some troops to send to Darfur.

The "uselessness" of the AU is evident not only in its political impotence and economic ineptitude but also in its steadfast refusal to maintain observance of minimum standards of human rights in member countries. The AU has openly instructed member countries to "disregard" the International Criminal Court's warrant of arrest issued against Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir who is sought for crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. It did the same thing when an ICC arrest warrant was issued against Gadhafi. The AU yelped from the sidelines as Cote d'Ivoire descended into civil war following the 2010 presidential election. France, a former colonial power, had to come to the rescue. The AU was among the last to recognize the Libya's National Transitional Council. No doubt, the AU was deeply distressed by the sudden demise of Gadhaffi, its longtime patron and sugar daddy. When Zenawi declared a 99.6 percent election victory in the May 2010 Ethiopian elections, the AU monitoring team led by former Botswana president Ketumile Masire praised him and declared: "It is recognised that 2010 Ethiopia's legislative elections reflected the will of the people. Conditions existed for voters to freely express their will."

The AU is managed by an inept and bungling commission which acts as the executive/administrative branch with empty suit commissioners lording over different areas of policy.  According to news reports, "of the $256 million the commission was allocated in 2011, the AU used less than 40 percent. The commission has about 1,000 staff members, 328 posts have been vacant for the past eight years." (One can surmise that the unused $154 million could have been a nice down payment for an all-African financed AU building. Talking about African countries not having "enough resources" for public projects, the International Monetary Fund recently reported that there was an unexplained USD$32 billion discrepancy in the Angolan government's accounts from 2007 through 2010. Does "discrepancy" mean stolen?  According to Global Financial Integrity, 11.7 billion was stolen from Ethiopia in the last decade.  The same story is repeated in the Sudan, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Niger, Nigeria  and many other African countries.)

Is Begging Africa's Eternal Destiny?

For a long time, the Western world regarded Africa as the "Dark Continent", not because of the complexion of the people but because little was known about Africa. Sadly, much of the world today regards Africa as the "Beggar Continent". African dictators can wax eloquent about the "new Africa", "Africa Rising" and the "African Renaissance", but nobody is buying it. Everyone can see today that Africa is gasping to breath under the trampling boots of brutal dictators. Africa is not a continent in "renaissance"; it is a continent on a tightrope. Let the facts speak for themselves:

Over one-half the population of Africa lives on less than USD$1 a day. Sub-Saharan Africa is the only region in the world where poverty has increased in the past 25 years. In 1960, Africa was a net exporter of food; today the continent imports one-third of its grain. Today, more than 40 percent of Africans do not even have the ability to obtain sufficient food on a day-today basis. Declining soil fertility, land degradation, and the AIDS pandemic in Africa have led to a 23 percent decrease in food production per capita in the last 25 years while  population has increased dramatically. Among the 38 of the world's heavily indebted poor countries, 32 are in Africa. The average life expectancy at birth for Sub-Saharan Africa is 52.5 years. Slums are home to 72% of urban Africans. Primary school enrollment in African countries is among the lowest in the world. In Sub-Saharan Africa, only two-thirds of children who start primary school reach the final grade.

Africa loses an estimated 20,000 skilled personnel a year to developed countries. A woman living in Sub-Saharan Africa has a 1 in 16 chance of dying in pregnancy, compared to 1 in 3,700 for a woman in North America.  On average, women in Sub-Saharan Africa have two more children than the rest of world. More than 40 percent of women in Africa do not have access to basic education.  There are an estimated 5,500 AIDS deaths a day in Africa. Every year six million children die from malnutrition before their fifth birthday. More than 50 percent of Africans suffer from water-related diseases such as cholera and infant diarrhea. The prevalence of HIV for people ages 15-49 in Sub-Saharan Africa is nearly 7 times the world's prevalence.

Ethiopia remains at the very bottom of the world's poorest nations. Under the "leadership" of the dictator Zenawi, for the past two decades Ethiopia has achieved the dubious honor of being the second poorest country in the world (after Mali) and the largest recipient of net official development assistance in Africa at USD$3.82 billion in 2009. The World Bank reported: "At US$380, Ethiopia's per capita income is much lower than the Sub-Saharan African average of US$1,165 in FY 2010."

According to a recent U.S. Census Bureau report, in just four decades, Ethiopia's population will more than triple to 278 million, placing that country in the top 10 most populous countries in the world. A recent report by the Legatum Institute presents some sobering  and heartbreaking findings on the situation in Ethiopia today: Ethiopia has an "unemployment rate [that] is almost 21%, which is the sixth highest rate, globally." The "capital per worker in Ethiopia is the fourth lowest worldwide." The country has "virtually no investment in R&D." The ability of Ethiopians "to start and run a business is highly limited… [with a] communication infrastructure [that] is weak with only five mobile phones for every 100 citizens"; and the availability of internet bandwidth and secure servers is negligible. Inequality is systemic and widespread and the country is among the bottom ten countries on the Index. The Ethiopian "education system is poor at all levels and its population is deeply dissatisfied." There is "only one teacher for every 58 pupils at primary level, there is a massive shortage of educators, and Ethiopian workers are typically poorly educated." Less than a "quarter of the population believe Ethiopian children have the opportunity to learn and grow every day, which is the lowest such rate in the Index."

On "health outcomes, Ethiopia performs abysmally poor. Its infant mortality rate, 67 deaths per 1,000 live births, and its health-adjusted life expectancy of 50 years, places Ethiopia among the bottom 20 nations." The population suffers from high mortality rates from "Tuberculosis infections and respiratory diseases. Access to hospital beds and sanitation facilities is very limited, placing the country 109th and 110th (very last) on these measures of health infrastructure." The core problem of poor governance is reflected in the fact that "there appears to be little respect for the rule of law, and the country is notable for its poor regulatory environment for business, placing 101st in the Index on this variable." 

Africa Rising, African Uprising

African dictators want the world to believe there is an "Africa Renaissance" and "Africa is Rising." They want to hoodwink the world into believing that Africa is "unshackled and freed". They proclaim the "façade of the great Africa Union hall conveys a message of optimism out of the decades of hopelessness". They insult our intelligence. We know Africa shall remain in the dark ages so long as dictators cling to power like ticks on an African milk cow. We know Africa is not rising while under the deadweight of dictatorship; but nothing can stop an African uprising. Despite the deceptive and beguiling words of pompous and imperious dictators, we know Africa is shackled and not free. How can Africa "rise" or undergo a "renaissance" when she is bound, gagged, chained, straightjacketed and hog-tied by gangs of ruthless dictators?

Behind the façade of the great AU hall stand a giggling gang of beggars with cupped palms, outstretched hands, forlorn eyes and shuffling legs looking simultaneously cute and hungry, and begging. The stark truth of the matter is that dictatorship has birthed a shiny tower of desperation and hopelessness on the very "ruins of a prison of desperation and hopelessness". Teodoro Obiang said the AU building represents the "future we want for Africa". Excuse me, but begging ain't much of a future!

China's economic investment in Africa is said to exceed USD$150 billion. Thousands of Chinese companies do business in all parts of the continent. We know that business is business, and money talks. But as to "China's gift to Africa", it is best to heed the old adage: Beware of those bearing gifts. On the other hand, it is bad from for a recipient of charity not to be grateful and amiable. So in the customary words of all palm-rubbing, belly scratching and kowtowing panhandlers, it is appropriate to say to the gift-givers:

AU begga8

 Previous commentaries by the author are available at: www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/

 
Sapere Aude!

"Cowardice asks the question: is it safe? Expediency asks the question: is it political? Vanity asks the question: is it popular? But conscience asks the question: is it right? And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor political, nor popular - but one must take it simply because it is right." --Dr. Martin L. King.    

 

Gambia Affairs:Editorial Daily News:What’s Hiding Under China’s Sleeves?


The just concluded eighteenth edition of African Union (AU) summit, which wrapped up Monday 30 January in Africa's political capital, Ethiopia, was not after all as fruitless as it sounded to be.
Yes, many waters have passed under the bridge since the last AU summit in which many issues were left pending. Promises had been made to address those issues, and in some cases, actions were taken. But the results largely leave much to be desired.
Therefore, many issues were expected to be tabled for discussion when African leaders converged once again in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Some of the issues were so pertinent and urgent that urgent decisions from the continent's highest decision-making body, the African Union Assembly of heads of state and governments, was required.
Unfortunately, most of those issues were overshadowed, if not bullied by the controversial stalemate in the election of the chairperson of the African Union Commission, the body that executes the executive functions of the continental grouping.
But arguably, contrary to what others believe, the election was a time, energy and resources worth investing in. For the position of the chairperson of the AU Commission is crucial.
One of the most important decisions taken by African leaders was the resolve to pursue banking reforms, a free trade area for the entire continent in five years, and the modernisation of rail, air and road transport to boost trade. This is in line with the theme of this year's summit. And if it is anything to go by, then the African Union has started walking the talking.
For instance, according to reports monitored at the summit, the African leaders have also agreed to seek international financial support to implement an ambitious US$78 billion plan for major infrastructure projects, to connect the continent for ease of trade and to fight off effects of an economic decline.
In this regard, the leaders agreed to seek new sources of funds, drawn from taxation of aid money in the continent, taxes from minerals and mining deals and revenues drawn from dealings with banks within Africa as well as multilateral bodies, to fund the trade boost.
This, if achieved, will transform Africa's rich natural resources into a blessing for the continent, rather than a curse, as it has been far too long. 
Accordingly, Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, currently the chair of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), was mandated to lead a 7-member heads of state committee, called the "High Level African Trade Committee," to look into ways of raising the funds required.
And the AU, the UN-Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) and the African Development Bank were mandated to carry out studies on the implementation of the road map to a Free Trade Area.
Besides, this year's summit also witnessed the inauguration of the new AU headquarters built by China for "free" to the tune of about US$200 million. And China was made the honored guest at the summit. The opening session, as well as the closing, was filled with expressions of gratitude for Beijing's gift of a new AU headquarters while the West was criticised for poking its nose into our issues and interfering with our sovereignty.
The summit, no doubt, reflects Africa's increasing tilt towards China, whose influence on the continent is growing rapidly.
But how free is China's 'free gifts' to Africa, which African leaders seem too happy to consume? Is this a new form of scramble for Africa? What must China be hiding under its sleeves? How should African leaders weigh whatever that China wants against the interest of Africa and her people? At a time now, more than ever before, when Africa needs to promote intra-African trade, where should apparent expansionists and aspiring imperialists like China be placed?  There are millions of Africans wallowing in abject poverty and hunger, why did China instead prefer to invest hugely in the construction of such an expensive edifice? Is China's gesture done out of love or sympathy for Africa?  
These are questions that this paper believes, as Africans, we should ask ourselves and debate about it in order to come out with best decisions and best mode of approach in our dealings with China or any other power.
Clearly, our African leaders are only too happy to receive string-free funds from China and the likes. They love not to be asked to account for the funds received on behalf of the people. The Pandora's box is now open for debate.

Monday, January 30, 2012

Gambia Affairs:State Media Accuse Tsvangirai of Bribing Private Media

Morgan Tsvangirai claims he is victim of plot to discredit him as second marriage lasts 12 days
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
FABRICATIONS by ZANU PF and the state media it controls that Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC-T party were bribing the private
media to give them favourable publicity ahead of forthcoming national
elections were the highlight of the media's coverage of party political activities
in the month.
These unsubstantiated allegations first appeared on the national television
station, ZTV, on January 4th on its 8pm main news bulletin. The station
claimed, without providing a shred of evidence, that the Prime Minister "has
once again come under the spotlight" after it emerged that he had "bribed
three editors" from the local private Press "to stop the negative reportage
of his party and his promiscuous behaviour". ZTV reported Tsvangirai as
having offered the three editors "thousands of dollars", in what it described
as Tsvangirai's "latest desperate attempt to redeem his soiled image,
which has seen him being condemned for supporting gay rights and his
glaring failure to handle his bedroom politics". It also claimed that the PM
"ordered" the editors to "redirect their negative reports to ZANU PF and
attack officials who dare question (his) blundering recklessness…" such
as Presidential spokesman George Charamba and ZANU PF Politburo
member Jonathan Moyo.
Instead of seeking comment from Tsvangirai and his party or the 'three
editors', ZTV attempted to give some credibility to its claims two days later
(6/1, 8pm) by roping in pro-ZANU PF commentators such as Gabriel Chaibva
and Goodson Nguni 'confirming' the allegations. These sources, which ZTV
paraded as "political analysts…privy to the issue", identified the bribed
editors as Stanely Gama (Daily News) and Brian Mangwende, Faith Zaba and
Nevanji Madanhire (Alpha Media Holdings, publishers of the Independent,
The Standard and NewsDay).
These allegations were contained in seven of the 20 stories the government
media carried on the activities of the MDC-T. Seventeen (85%) of these 20
stories were negative, while the remaining three were neutral.
The official state media allocated 102 reports to ZANU PF, 90 (88%) of which
were positive. The remaining 12 were neutral. The smaller MDC formation,
led by Industry Minister Welshman Ncube received coverage in one report,
which was neutral. The report was a follow-up on the defection of five MPs
from the MDC-N (Chronicle, 24/1).
Forty-three (42%) of the 102 reports on ZANU PF were on its provincial
elections for the Mashonaland West, which John Mafa won, and preparations
for the president's birthday by the 21st February Movement. Another 25 were
news stories reporting ZANU PF allies, such as Anglican Archbishop Norbert
Kunonga expressing support for President Mugabe and his ZANU PF party.
The remaining 34 reports were mostly opinion pieces, news features and
editorial comments depicting ZANU PF as the champion of the interests of the
black majority, citing its controversial black economic empowerment
programme; anti-gay stance, and the provision of farming inputs to
underprivileged farmers.
On the other hand, the private media gave Tsvangirai and his party and the
editors from the private Press the opportunity to respond to the bribery
allegations. All of them dismissed the claims as false and a ploy by ZANU PF
to discredit its critics ahead of national elections (Daily News and The
Standard, 6, 7 & 8/1).
In addition, the private media assessed the strengths and weaknesses of the
policies of the three coalition parties, as well as their readiness for elections.
For instance, these media quoted a wide cross-section of Zimbabweans
questioning the implementation of the indigenization policy and complaining
that most of the party's campaign tactics were bordering on coercion and
vote-buying, as the party reportedly intensifies its efforts to reclaim lost
constituencies, especially in rural areas. They cited as proof the provision of
farming inputs; partisan food distribution; alleged coercion of villagers to
attend meetings; and reports that the party was doling out positions to
villagers during its ongoing restructuring exercise (Zimbabwe Independent,
NewsDay and Daily News, 13, 16 & 25/1).
The private media (and the official media too) criticized the MDC-T for its lack
of public relations skills, recently exposed by Public Service Minister Lucia
Matibenga's angry reaction to The Herald (19/1), which had asked her to give
an update on what her ministry was doing to avert the civil servants strike
(The Standard, Radio VoP and Daily News, 22, 24 & 25/1). In response,
Matibenga was quoted as telling the government daily to leave her alone,
provoking outrage from civil servants' unions, analysts and opposition political
parties, who viewed her actions as "in bad taste" and a reflection of
"arrogance" and lack of commitment to the welfare of civil servants (The
Herald, 19/1 and ZTV, 24/1, 8pm).
This was reflected in the 74 reports the private media carried on the activities
of the country's main political parties. Fifty-three (72%) of them were on ZANU
PF, while 12 were on the MDC-T. The remaining nine were on the MDC-N.

Wednesday, January 11, 2012

Gambia Affairs:Gambian Journalist Harassed For Reporting Farmers' Complaints


N


Momodou S. Jallow



New York, January 10, 2012-Police in Gambia are harassing a journalist for reporting farmers' complaints against a local official accused of mismanaging public resources, according to local journalists and news reports.

A plainclothes police officer picked up reporter Momodou S. Jallow of the private Daily News on Friday while he was covering a public meeting of a local rice growers' cooperative in Brikamaba village in central Gambia, Jallow told CPJ. The journalist said he was detained for five hours in Basang police station and accused of "inciting violence" with a January 4 story based on interviews with local farmers who accuse a local official, Chief Mamadou Lamin Baldeh, of mismanaging public assets.

Jallow reported back to the police station on Monday and was told to report back again next Monday, according to local journalists. He has not been charged. The Daily News on Monday quoted Gambian National Police Spokesman Yerro Mballow as saying Jallow would be taken to court and charged with one count of libel, a criminal offense.

"Gambian police must immediately stop harassing Momodou Jallow for giving voice to farmers' grievances," said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. "Repeatedly summoning a journalist to court and threatening him with charges is intimidation designed to silence criticism."

In Jallow's story in the Daily News, a rice farmer accused Chief Baldeh of misallocating a ticket sponsored by President Yahya Jammeh to travel to the annual Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca, known as the hajj. The article also cited farmers raising questions about Baldeh's management of the finances of a local cooperative.

###
CPJ is a New York-based, independent, nonprofit organization
that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide.

Monday, December 19, 2011

Gambia Affairs:Pursuing Justice for Gambia’s Deyda Hydara



By


The following entry first appeared on the CPJ Blog of our friends at the Committee to Protect Journalists, an independent, nonprofit organization which promotes press freedom worldwide by defending the rights of journalists to report the news without fear of reprisal:
December 16 marks the seventh anniversary of the killing of Deyda Hydara, the dean of Gambian journalism. It is also the 20th anniversary of the first issue of The Point, the courageously independent-minded daily that Hydara founded and directed for many years. He was murdered in a drive-by shooting as he drove himself and two staff members home from an evening of somber celebration at The Point's premises. He had received multiple death threats in the preceding weeks and months. In his last column, he vowed to keep fighting to the end for Gambians' right to speak their minds.
During his last years, Deyda Hydara was best known for two probing weekly columns. "The Bite" covered a broad range of matters of general interest. "Good Morning, Mr. President" discussed issues of governance and mismanagement, in a polite but incisive tone aimed directly at President Yahya Jammeh, the former junior army officer who has ruled the country since taking over in a coup 17 years ago. Treating Jammeh and his deputies as fallible, fellow human beings reportedly did not go down well at the presidential palace. While The Point continued to carry both columns for some time after Hydara's death, the intelligence service told the paper's management in 2006 that the outlet would be shut down if "Good Morning, Mr. President" was not discontinued.
The shutdown of media outlets and unpunished violence against media professionals are not exceptional events in the Gambia. In fact, being an independent-minded reporter in Jammeh's republic is a greater health hazard than perhaps anywhere else in the African continent. A few months before the Hydara shooting, in the summer of 2004, BBC reporter Ebrima Sillah was almost killed in an arson attack. The premises of The Independent newspaper were also set on fire, allegedly by members of the presidential guard, before the paper was finally shut down by the police, the entire management was rounded up, and its chief editor, Musa Saidykhan, brutally tortured--apparently for having complained to South African then-President Thabo Mbeki, at the time head of the African Union, about the media freedom situation in the Gambia.
Not surprisingly, not a single person has been brought to justice in all these years for attacks on journalists and other Jammeh critics, including Hydara. The president assigned the investigation of the Hydara shooting to the intelligence service, an agency better known for torturing, disappearing, and intimidating the victims of such crimes than catching the perpetrators. The report on their Hydara "investigation" devoted several pages to discussing the victim's private life, but gave almost no details on crime scene findings, ballistics, or potential political motives.
The regime seems to reserve a special scorn for Deyda Hydara's audacities, even post mortem. Jammeh tends to dismiss questions about the unsolved crime by pointing out, for example, that lots of people get killed in the Gambia every year. He attacked The Point, publicly and viscerally, for maintaining a "Who Killed Deyda Hydara?" banner on the front page. On the second anniversary of Deyda's death, the Gambia Press Union put up commemorative posters all over Banjul, calling for justice; they were all taken down overnight. And in January 2007, more than two years after his death, the Hydara family told me that the police refused to provide them with a death certificate so they could claim Deyda's life insurance (as an international correspondent). Not even death pays for one's political sins in the Gambia.
This month, my organization, the Open Society Justice Initiative, filed a lawsuit against the Gambian government, on behalf of the Hydara family, with a West African regional court. The court filing argues that not only has the Gambian government failed to conduct a proper investigation into the shooting, but that it contributed to the attack on his life (among others) by tolerating a general climate of impunity for violence against critics of the regime.
President Jammeh recently claimed re-election to another term in office, amid a chorus of electoral fraud allegations. ECOWAS, the West African states' organization, refused to send an observer mission, in protest against the lack of even minimal conditions for free and fair elections. Responding to charges of violent suppression of dissent, the president likes to say that his conscience is clean and that he fears "only Allah." In the meantime, the Hydara family and many others in the region are looking for some overdue, earthly justice from the ECOWAS Court.
This is the third case before the ECOWAS Court involving attacks against Gambian journalists, with the tribunal having already found the government responsible for the disappearance of Ebrima Manneh and the torturing of Saidykhan. The Gambian government has failed to comply with either ruling. It is time for the ECOWAS Community to decide whether the Jammeh government meets the minimal conditions for membership in a democratic club.

Friday, December 16, 2011

Gambia Affairs:Deyda Hydara: Seven Years of Impunity


By D. A. Jawo a veteran Gambian Journalist
This is yet another anniversary of the assassination of prominent Gambian journalist, Deyda Hydara, the seventh year since he was brutally murdered by unknown assailants, and yet, there is no indication that the Gambian authorities have any intentions to investigate the case with a view to apprehending those responsible for this heinous crime.
It is unfortunate however that every time President Jammeh comments on the case, he makes remarks which tend to confuse rather than clarify his government's stand point on the issue. A case in point was his last interview with the BBC in which he compared Deyda's brutal murder to the deaths of other Gambians in road accidents.

We can all recall the so-called 'Confidential Report' that was released in 2005 in which the authorities chose to subject Deyda's personal character to all sorts of disparaging comments, even to the extent of blaming his death on his wayward behaviour. The least anyone expected from the authorities was to show commitment in thoroughly investigating the case with a view to bringing the culprits to justice. Therefore, their failure to do so tantamount to shirking their responsibilities to a bona fide Gambian citizen.


From the very beginning, the Gambia Press Union and other civil society groups had called on the authorities to invite more competent investigating bodies from abroad to help our security forces to unravel the case, but they always turned down the call, saying that the security forces have the competence to carry out the investigation, and yet so far, they have failed to carry out any serious investigation. There is no doubt that if the government had agreed to such a proposal, then by now the truth would have been known as to who killed him and why.


Therefore, in view of the lack of any sign of commitment on the part of the Gambian authorities to investigate this heinous crime or invite other competent bodies for help, we are left with no other option but to call on regional bodies like ECOWAS and the African Union, or even the United Nations and the international community to assume their responsibilities and ensure that justice is done.

Gambia Affairs:Gambia Press Union Statement On The 7th Anniversary Of The Murder Of Deyda Hydara

Emil Touray President of The Gambia Press Union

Compatriots, Fellow Journalists and Friends of the Media,December 16th marks seven years after Deyda Hydara, co-proprietor and managing editor of the Point Newspaper was assassinated in a drive-by shooting. Yet the gunmen behind this nefarious act are yet to be arrested and brought to book.


It is imperative herein that the Government of the Gambia expends all its efforts and tools to investigate this matter in order to bring the culprits to book. Failure to bring the perpetrators of this heinous crime to book will only entrench a culture of impunity in our society. The Gambia Government and indeed all Gambians need to realize that a culture of impunity in any society threatens the very security and safety of the life of each and every one in that society, sooner or later. What happened to Deyda can happen to any other Gambian at any time. It is the responsibility of the Government to protect the right to life of all Gambians as enshrined in Section 18 of our constitution. Thus the Government of the Gambia should move heaven and earth to bringing these criminals to book as this barbaric act has no place in a civilized democratic society.

The murder of Deyda is a fundamental human rights violation that goes against the very essence of our constitution and all regional and international instruments that the Gambia has ratified. These include the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, hence the responsibility to ensure justice prevails and the protection of human rights in our society lies squarely in the hands of the Government. Given the fact that the Gambia Government has several progressive allies in the world, we recommend that the Government should solicit support from the international community to enable her to unearth the truth.

It should be noted that journalists like all other sectors and professionals are legitimate and have a right to contribute their quota to national development. We serve a crucial role not only in bringing the state closer to the citizenry but also promote the creation of an open society where democracy and good governance flourish. The accomplishment of our crucial role would be hard to come by when rogue elements in the midst of society who negate the work of journalists enjoy the fruits of impunity

The killers of Deyda Hydara must be brought to justice.


Sign:

Gibairu Janneh

Secretary General